The remains being excavated at Tel Miqne-Ekron support the words of the biblical writer above. The tenth century B.C., the time frame of Solomon's reign, was a period of decline at Ekron, during which it shrank from fifty to ten acres in size. It became a small fortified town, no rival to the city that stopped the Israelites from further pursuing the Philistines after the slaying of Goliath by David. The only impressive finding from this period has been the mudbrick tower with the ashlar facade described earlier. Evidently, this tower remained in use to the end of the seventh century B.C. Are these meager remains indicative of the plight of the Philistines at other sites as well? Did Solomon rule only to "the land of the Philistines" or in the land of the Philistines? The answers to these questions are the focus of this section.

During King David's reign, the Philistines seem to have pulled back to their original boundaries along the Mediterranean coast. They may have become a second-rate power, as the evidence at Ekron seems to indicate. The Bible is silent concerning the Philistines of the tenth century B.C.; this silence lasts until finally a reference is made to their activities during the reign of Judah's King Jehoshaphat in the mid-ninth century. We know from other sources that tenth-century Philistia was the focus of a power play between Egypt and Judah that would soon involve the up-and-coming power Assyria, as well. Recall the example cited in chapter 5 about Solomon receiving the city of Gezer as part of a dowry when he married a daughter of the Egyptian pharaoh (1 Kings 3:1; 9:15-16). The pharaoh came north, burned Gezer, and then said, in effect, "Here, Solomon, it's yours now." This could have been the pharaoh's way of demonstrating that this land was still his. He was still able to control it (especially since David was dead by that time), and it was his choice to give Gezer away.

Gath (possibly Tell es-Safi) and Gaza, as noted earlier, are not being excavated currently; therefore, we cannot determine archaeologically what was happening there during the tenth-eighth centuries B.C. According to 1 Chronicles, 18:1, however, David captured Gath and 2 Chronicles 11:8 tells us that Gath was one of the cities to the west that Rehoboam fortified, probably against the Philistines. Ashkelon is being excavated presently, and we will need to wait some time before we have extensive knowledge about the tenth-eighth centuries at this site.

Tel Ashdod, site of the fifth of the major Philistine cities, has yielded interesting finds from this period. Sometime during the second half of the eleventh century B.C., Ashdod expanded down off the tell into a "lower city" and became a city of one hundred acres. It was fortified during these years but during the first half of the tenth century was destroyed, perhaps by David or by Pharaoh Siamun. Then late in the tenth or early ninth century it was rebuilt and refortified. Its tenth-century gate was unique, but was similar to the multi-chambered gates of Solomon's era at Gezer, Hazor, and Megiddo. As at Tel Sera` (Ziklag?) the gate and tower had ashlar corner stones. Ashdod's gate and tower both stood until approximately the beginning of the eighth century, when they may have been destroyed by Judah's king Uzziah:

Ashdod's gate was rebuilt and continued to be in use until the days of the Assyrian Sargon II in the final quarter of the eighth century B.C. A partial inscription by Sargon II was found in the ruins of Ashdod on fragments of a stele. Thousands of skeletons were also found, coinciding with the information given in the Bible about the Assyrian invasions of Palestine.

Other biblical references to the Philistines, such as in 2 Chronicles 17:11, mention that the Philistines were paying tribute in silver to King Jehoshaphat of Judah (ca. 870 B.C.). This situation was altered during the rule of his son King Jehoram, the one who married Athaliah, daughter of King Ahab of Israel:

The evidence at Ashdod indicates that, unlike at Ekron, Philistine rule there expanded, especially after the division of Israel's united kingdom. Records also indicate that Ashdod had its own king, as did Gaza, Ashkelon, and Ekron (A. Mazar 1984, 52; Porten 1981, 39). But Ashdod, as well as the rest of Philistia, had its ups and downs. The Iron II period after David and Solomon was a period of transition; the old Philistine culture with its bichrome pottery was gone, and there seems to have been a greater adaptation to the local Canaanite/Semitic culture (A. Mazar 1990, 533).

Tel Ashdod provides some information about this adaptation. Even though no Philistine archives have yet been uncovered, certain seals have been found there. Some of the writing on the early seals resembles the Cypro-Minoan script of the thirteenth-twelfth centuries B.C.; still other early seals resemble different styles out of the Aegean. Some of the latest Ashdod seals are dated to the eleventh century B.C., but are also undeciphered. Still other inscriptions, dated to the ninth and eighth centuries, are in a script resembling Hebrew, Canaanite, and Phoenician or, in other words, a West Semitic script. Thus, even the inscriptions demonstrate a transition occurring at Ashdod during the tenth century B.C. (Oded 1979, 237-38; M. Dothan 1969, 245).

Next, let us move back to Tell Qasile, the seaport founded by the Philistines on the Mediterranean coast and now within the city limits of modern-day Tel Aviv. The fate of Qasile during the Iron II period seems to have been similar to that of Ekron. Ashdod had expanded and was flourishing, leading A. Mazar to suggest that, although the port city of Qasile was destroyed, the heart of Philistia to the south was prospering somewhat (1985b, 123).

David evidently conquered the area around Qasile up to the coast, but left much of Philistia alone. Perhaps he took back part or all of the old tribal area of Dan, which included the section of the coast from Joppa to the Yarkon River. We discussed Qasile's temples earlier, but now we will see what was happening there during the tenth-seventh centuries B.C. Qasile was a small, four-acre site located on the north side of the Yarkon River, just east of its estuary into the Mediterranean. It was founded in the twelfth century B.C., at the height of Philistine expansion preceding the years of their struggles with Samuel, Saul, and David. The early years of the eleventh century have been dubbed as "Pax Philistea" by B. Mazar (A. Mazar 1985b, 123). Vibrant growth continued at Qasile until the beginning of the tenth century B.C., when the site suffered a violent destruction. A. Mazar (1980, 46-47; 1985b, 127) suggests that this destruction may have been due to an earthquake causing the buildings to collapse and burn. The other alternative, the more probable one, according to A. Mazar, is that the destruction was due to King David's defeat of the Philistines mentioned in 2 Samuel 8:1.

Although Tell Qasile is not a site that can be identified with any site mentioned in Scripture, its role on the coast during the Pax Philistea period (eleventh century), as well as later in the days of Solomon, may be identified. Using the Yarkon River for irrigation, the Philistines had great success with agriculture in this region. The excavation exposed grain pits, silos, presses, and storerooms containing jars. Since Qasile's deep port provided shelter for ships, A. Mazar suggests that it may have been used as a port for cedars from Lebanon, floated down the Mediterranean "as rafts by sea to Joppa," as is mentioned concerning the days of Solomon (2 Chron. 2:16) and Zerubbabel (Ezra 3:7). A couple of pieces of burned wood found in the ruins of the elaborate tenth-century B.C. temple (possibly burned by David) have been identified as cedars of Lebanon (T. Dothan 1982a, 58).

If David did burn the stratum X city of Tell Qasile, what happened later at this site? Stratum IX there was not as elaborate as the earlier town. The temple was partially rebuilt, but how much of it was used could not be determined clearly due to the poor state of the remains. The radical changes in the layout of the town of stratum IX demonstrate that, even though it was resettled, it was not as prosperous as it had been during the reign of David.

B. Mazar states that the stratum IX holds an Israelite city built on the ruins of the Philistine one (A. Mazar 1985b, 127). A. Mazar agrees that Qasile was in Israelite hands during the tenth-century B.C. days of the united kingdom. Since the Philistine temple, as well as other buildings, had been partly rebuilt, it is postulated that the Israelites were now the overlords and that some of the local peoples were able to continue living and worshiping there. We know that Israel was not a seafaring nation and, in this area, as well as in the area of metalwork, may have had to rely on Philistine expertise. We also know that David and Solomon relied on the Phoenicians for building projects and that both of these kings relied on Philistine bodyguards.

Tell Qasile was to suffer more attacks by the end of the tenth century, believed to have been by the Egyptian pharaohs Siamun and Shishak. It was not the only site so troubled, for attacks on it coincided with attacks on several sites along the coast. Qasile was abandoned about this time, perhaps due to the breakup of Israel under King Rehoboam. Other port cities suffered the same fate, but the inland Philistine site of Ashdod was not abandoned. At Qasile, the pottery from this layer is badly weathered, indicating that it had been lying on the surface for a long time. There was a brief revival at Qasile late in the seventh century B.C. The pottery from the corresponding stratum may be Judean, which leads A. Mazar to suggest that the revival may have been due to an expansion of Judah during the days of good King Josiah (640-609 B.C.), who spread his reforms into the former territories of old Israel (2 Chron. 34:1-7). After this brief revival, Qasile ceased to exist.

Now let us move on to Timnah, the town discussed earlier in connection with Samson and his wife. It is located just to the east of Ekron. Did it, like Ekron, suffer a decrease in population? Timnah was a small Philistine site (just six acres) that flourished during the Iron I period (ca. 1200-1000 B.C.). However, around 1000 B.C., at the same time that neighboring Ekron shrank from fifty acres to ten, Philistine Timnah died. The site became an Israelite town, partially built up with typical Israelite artifacts. The pottery that has been found is Judean and is similar to the Israelite pottery from other sites such as Lachish and Beth-shemesh. A sherd found at Timnah bearing an incised Hebrew inscription is the most precious artifact from this period. The fact that Timnah appears have been an Israelite town during the tenth century and that neighboring Ekron greatly decreased in size may reflect the expansion of the Israelite kingdom under David.

However, David's successor, Solomon, died around 922 B.C., and his kingdom split in two. According to both Egyptian and biblical records (1 Kings 14:25-28), Pharaoh Shishak then invaded Judah. This pharaoh was the one with whom Jeroboam sought refuge while fleeing from Solomon (1 Kings 11:40). Since Solomon was dead, the pharaoh tested Rehoboam: "In the fifth year of King Rehoboam, King Shishak of Egypt came up against Jerusalem; he took away the treasures of the house of the Lord and the treasures of the king's house; he took everything. He also took away all the shields of gold that Solomon had made . . ." (1 Kings 14:25-26). According to the excavators, Timnah was destroyed near the end of the tenth century B.C., and this destruction fits in with Shishak's description of his military campaign into Palestine. Although the pharaoh does not mention Timnah on his temple walls at Karnak, he does mention nearby cities.

Timnah did not regain its full strength until the eighth-seventh centuries B.C., when it was rebuilt on a grand scheme, as was Ekron. According to 2 Chronicles 28:18-19, sometime near the end of the eighth century, "the Philistines had made raids on the cities in the Shephelah and the Negeb of Judah, and had taken Beth-shemesh . . . [and] Timnah with its villages . . . because of King Ahaz of Israel [Judah], for he had . . . been faithless to the LORD." We do not know how long prior to the time indicated by these two verses that Judah or Israel controlled Timnah. Second Chronicles 26:6 mentions that King Uzziah (783-742 B.C.) had earlier declared war on the Philistines, going up against Gath, Ashdod, and "elsewhere among the Philistines." Timnah would have lain in the path of such an advance, but the text does not say that Uzziah took Timnah. The archaeological record neither shows that Uzziah took the town nor that the Philistines recaptured it during Ahaz's time, as stated in 2 Chronicles 29. Apparently as a result of the raids by the Philistines and by the Edomites (vv. 16-18), King Ahaz tried to make a coalition with Assyria, which was becoming a growing menace during the eighth century. The archaeological record does show that the Philistine cities of Timnah and Ekron and others had a rebirth under the Assyrians (which we will study later in detail, along with the admonitions of Amos and other prophets).

Let us move on to examine Gezer, beginning in the tenth century B.C. We have mentioned that an Egyptian pharaoh gave this city to Solomon as a dowry for his daughter (1 Kings 9:15-16). Evidently, Gezer had been in Canaanite hands and had had a Philistine overlord who had a vassal relationship with Egypt (Lance 1967, 41). The passage in 1 Kings also states that Solomon fortified Jerusalem, Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer. It is interesting to see that the gates of Hazor, Megiddo, and Gezer are so similar that it is generally accepted that all three came from the same blueprints -- Solomon's. Several of the chambers in the Gezer gate complex are lined with benches, some still covered with plaster.

The gateway at Gezer brings to mind several biblical stories. Absalom, for example, waited in the city gate to talk to the people who were coming to Jerusalem to plead a case in front of his father, King David (2 Sam. 15:1-6). Boaz also sat in the gate while meeting with the city elders at Bethlehem in order to fulfill his obligations concerning Ruth (Ruth 4:1-11).

The gate at Gezer attributed to Solomon was destroyed at the end of the tenth century B.C. Even today the destruction is clearly visible, since several of the limestone ashlars became so hot during the burning that they calcined, or melted into one another. This destruction is again attributed to Pharaoh Shishak, who reasserted his authority over Philistia and tested Rehoboam. We know that it occurred circa 918 B.C., for when Shishak returned home to Karnak, he carved on the walls of Amon's temple the names of towns that he had conquered; Gezer was one of them. Gezer's gateway was later rebuilt, but the calcined limestone remained in place, with additional stones placed alongside for buttressing. Today, therefore, the entryway of the main gate appears off balance and is narrower than that of the original Solomonic gate. The city continued to have inhabitants, and the gate continued to be used throughout the ninth and eighth centuries to the time when the Assyrians invaded and destroyed much of Israel, Judah, and Philistia.

And what about Tel Sera` and Tel Halif, the main candidates for David's Ziklag? What happened to these Philistine sites during the tenth-eighth centuries, down to the time of Assyrian ascendancy? We have already described them as they were during the Iron I period with the coming of the Philistines (pp. 154-59). We have also mentioned the limestone ashlars at Tel Sera` in connection with the use of ashlars in the gates at Ashdod and Ekron and with the architecture at the Solomonic gateways in Jerusalem, Gezer, Megiddo, and Hazor.

According to Oren, the large-scale building projects taking place at Tel Sera` during the tenth century B.C. should most likely be credited to Solomon or Rehoboam (1982, 163). The destruction that occurred there during the same century would then be attributed to the well-known Pharaoh Shishak, the troublemaker during King Rehoboam's reign. An alternative hypothesis that Oren mentions is that the building at Tel Sera` may have been due to Rehoboam's grandson, Asa, still in the tenth century. Asa, like Rehoboam (2 Chron. 11:5-12), fortified numerous cities in Judah (2 Chron. 14:5-7). During Asa's reign there was trouble with Zerah the Ethiopian, and some of the battles against him took place in the area of Tel Sera`. Thus the destruction at Tel Sera` could have been due to the invasion by this Ethiopian, and King Asa perhaps used his encounter with Zerah in southern Judah to reestablish control in the region separating Judah from Philistia and Egypt.

Eight miles to the east of Tel Sera` lies Tel Halif. It too witnessed a building project during the latter part of the tenth century, and this revival may be attributed to Solomon or his successors, as well. Tel Halif flourished along with Tel Sera` during the late tenth or early ninth century. Tel Sera` seems to have been abandoned for approximately 150 years beginning around 850 B.C. but was inhabited again circa 700 B.C., the period of Assyrian ascendancy. On the other hand, Tel Halif shows continued occupation throughout the ninth, the eighth, and the beginning of the seventh centuries, but it did not survive through the Assyrian period (Seger 1984, 51-52).

Now back to the question asked at the beginning of this chapter: Did Solomon rule only to "the land of the Philistines" or in the land of the Philistines as well? We have seen in our examination that, clearly, Solomon ruled in the land of the Philistines, but the situation changed under his son Rehoboam. The heartland of Philistia, exemplified by Ashdod, had its ups and downs but remained strong. It was during Rehoboam's time that Israel/Judah lost control of Philistia. This control would be regained only sporadically, under kings Asa, Jehoshaphat, and Uzziah, who successfully raided Philistia periodically.